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NUMBER VI
CONCERNING DANGERS FROM WAR
BETWEEN THE STATES
The last three papers have concentrated on numbering the dangers from foreign nations to which we would be exposed if we were to elect not to exist as a union. I shall now proceed to enumerate the dangers of a different and perhaps more alarming kind – those which will probably result from disagreements between the states themselves and from domestic factions and upheavals. These have already been in some to some degree anticipated, but this issue deserves a more complete and full investigation.
If the States are not united, or if we are divided into partial confederacies, it would be wishful thinking to believe that the subdivisions that were formed would not end up having frequent and violent engagements with each other. There would be no lack of motives for these engagements since men are ambitious, vindictive, greedy, and predatory. Expecting harmony between a number of independent, separate sovereignties situated in the same neighborhood would be to ignore the predictable course of human behavior and to ignore what we learned about this throughout history.
The causes of hostilities among nations are infinite. There are some causes which have a constant place among societies. For example, the love of power or the desire to be superior or to dominate, or the jealousy of power, or the desire for equality or safety. Other causes for hostilities between nations are more confined to a particular situation but they are still equally as important in the context of that particular situation. For example, commercial rivalries that might arise between competing nations. There are other reasons for conflict that are no less numerous than either that has been mentioned, but these reasons are attributable specifically to the private issues of the leaders of communities involved in the conflict. So attachments, ill will, interests, hopes, and fears of leaders can all lead to conflict between nations. Men of this class, whether favorites of a king or of a people, have too often abused the confidence entrusted to them; they have no qualms about coming up with some pretext for the conflict “being for the good of the public,” while then sacrificing the national tranquility just for their own personal advantage or gratification.
Pericles [from Plutarch’s “Life of Pericles” *] because of resentment by the people against his companion Aspasia, who ran a brothel, attacked and destroyed the city of Samnians at the expense of much of the blood and treasure of his people. Pericles also had a private disagreement against the Megarensians; he was threatened with prosecution for conniving with his associate Phidias to steal public gold that was to be spent on a statute of Minerva [the Roman name for Athena, the Greek god of warriors, poetry, medicine, wisdom, commerce, crafts and musicians]; and he was accused of dissipating public funds for the purchase of popularity. In response to any one or any combination of these issues, he orchestrated the famous and fatal Peleponnesian war [431 BC – 404 BC), which after a series of phases, intermissions and renewals, ended in the ruin of the commonwealth of Athens.
Henry VIII’s ambitious cardinal Wolsey vainly aspired to wear the triple crown [worn by popes] and hoped to succeed to that honored position by virtue of the influence of Emperor Charles V. In order to secure the favor of this powerful monarch, the cardinal managed to push England into a war with France, despite the fact that this was contrary to the plainest interpretations of policy, not to mention that he put into jeopardy the safety and independence of England. If there ever was a sovereign who was supportive of universal monarchy, that would be Emperor Charles V, and it was in pursuit of his support that Wolsey was at once his instrument and the dupe.
Consider the bigotry of Madame de Maintenon [second wife of King Louis XIV], the irritations over minor annoyances displayed by the Duchess of Marlborough [close friend of Queen Anne of England, died 1744], and the scheming and plotting of Madame de Pompadour [mistress of Louis XV]: each of these women had considerable influence in the conflicts and peace-making of a better part of Europe during their lifetimes. Their influence on politics is discussed often enough to be commonly known.
To mention further examples of how personal issues can affect national events either foreign or domestic would be a waste of time. Those who have just a passable knowledge with other similar instances will no doubt be able to remember some of them on their own, and those who enjoy a decent understanding of human nature won’t need further examples to help them form an opinion regarding either the reality or extent of the human influence into national affairs. Nevertheless, one more example from a recent situation might help illustrate the general principle to which I refer. If Daniel Shay [of Shay’s Rebellion, an armed uprising in Massachusetts from 1786-1787 by small farmers angered by crushing taxes and debt] had not been a desperate debtor, then it is doubtful that Massachusetts would have been plunged into a civil war.
Despite what we have learned from what we have experienced, there still exists in this situation visionary and designing men, who are ready to support the absurd notion of perpetual peace between the states, even if they are separated and alienated from each other. They say that the genius of republics is peace; the spirit of commerce tends to soften the manners of men which works to extinguish the flames that often kindle into wars. Commercial republics like ours will never be disposed to waste so much in ruinous conflict with each other. The parties will be governed by mutual interests and this will encourage a spirit of mutual friendship and harmony.
I ask of those who engage in politics: is it not in the best interest of all nations to cultivate the same charitable and philosophic spirit? If this is truly their interest, have these nations in fact pursued it? On the other hand, hasn’t it been found always to be true that momentary passions and immediate interests have a more active and domineering control over human conduct than does general or calm considerations of policy, economics, or justice? Have republics in practice been less addicted to war than monarchies? Are not republics administered by men just as monarchies are? Are there not aversions, preferences, rivalries and greed that affect nations as well as kings? Are not popular assemblies frequently also subject to the impulses of rage, resentment, jealousy, greed and other irregular and violent propensities? Is it not well known that republics are often governed by a few individuals in whom the people place their confidence, and that these individuals are just as liable to be influenced by their own respective passions? Has commerce ever done any thing other than change the objects of war? Is not greed just as dominant and influential an emotion as the desire for power or glory? Has not the spirit of commerce, in many instances, encouraged the appetite for greed or the desire for power? Let experience be the guide for answers to these questions, since experience is the most reliable guide regarding human influence on the human existence.
Sparta, Athens, Rome, and Carthage were all republics; two of them, Athens and Carthage, were commercial republics. And yet, they were engaged in war as often as the monarchies that surrounded them. Sparta was little better than a well-regulated camp, and Rome was never satisfied in its need for carnage or conquest.
Carthage, though a commercial republic, was the aggressor in the very war that destroyed her. Hannibal marched into Italy, to the gates of Rome, and then Scipio [Africanus, who fought Hannibal in the Second Punic War] overthrew Hannibal and conquered Carthage.
Venice, in later times, was involved more than once in wars of ambition, until the other Italian states took an interest in it, and Pope Julius the Second found a means to conquer Venice by orchestrating a league against it,** and this was a deadly blow to the power and pride of this notable republic.
The provinces of Holland, until they were overwhelmed in debt and taxes, took a leading and conspicuous part in European wars. They had furious contests with England over the domination of the sea. They also were among the most persevering and relentless of the enemies of Louis XV.
In the government of Britain the representatives of the people compose one branch of the national legislature. Commerce has for ages been the primary pursuit of the country. However, few nations have been more frequently engaged in war, and the wars that the government engages in, in many instances, had proceeded from the people.
There have been, if I may say so, almost as many popular wars as there have been royal wars. The cries of a nation and the interests and opportunities of their representatives have on many occasions dragged a monarch into war, or encouraged them to continue on with it, contrary to their inclinations and sometimes contrary to the interests of the state. It is well known that in the struggle for superiority between the houses of Austria and Bourbon, it was the hatred of the English against the French, supported by the ambition or rather the greed of [the Duke of Marlborough], rather than the leadership, that kept that conflict alive for as long as it did, causing the war to last much longer than it should have in light of sound policy or the views of the court.
The wars of England and France have to a large extent been driven by commercial interests. There is the desire to prevail or the fear of another prevailing, either in certain lanes of traffic or in the general advantages of trade and navigation. Sometimes there is the desire to share in the commerce of other nations without their consent.
Recent war between Britain and Spain arose from English attempts to engage in illegal trade with the subjects of Spain. Spain’s response was to engage in unjustifiable acts against British subjects which produced hardships that exceeded the bounds of a just retaliation and were inhumane and cruel. Many of the English taken by the Spanish were sent to dig in the mines of Potosi on the Spanish coast, and due to the spirit of resentment that existed, the innocent were mixed in with the guilty and they suffered indiscriminate punishment. The complaints of the British merchants kindled a violent flame throughout Britain, and the sentiment traveled to the House of Commons, and from that body was communicated to the ministry. Letters of reprisal were granted and a war ensued, which ruined twenty years of alliances formed between the countries, alliances that were initially expected by countries to bear the most beneficial fruits.
From this summary of what has taken place in other countries whose situations were very similar to ours, what reason do we have to be confident in those speeches would seduce us to believe that there would be peace and good relations between the members of the current confederacies, which exist in a state of separation? Have we not already had enough of the deceptions and waste of those aimless theories which have amused us with promises that we would be exempt from the imperfections, the weaknesses or the evils incident to society in any shape? Isn’t it time we wake from the deceitful dream of a golden age and adopt as a practical sentiment to direct our political conduct that we, as well as other inhabitants of the globe, have not yet reached the happy empire of perfect wisdom and perfect virtue? Let the inconveniences we experience everywhere from a lax and ineffective government, let the revolt from North Carolina, the recent disturbances in Pennsylvania, and the insurrections and rebellion in Massachusetts declare ——–!***
There is no common sense in agreeing with the beliefs of those who are trying to lull us away from our worries about hostilities and quarrels between the States, in the event we do not unite, and from lengthy observation of other nations we can see that it’s a universally excepted truth in politics that when countries are located near one another, the environment is ripe for them to be come natural enemies. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: “NEIGHBORING NATIONS [says he] are naturally ENEMIES of each other, unless their common weakness forces them to joint together in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC, and their constitution prevents the differences that arise from separate nations who must share a neighborhood, thereby extinguishing that secret jealousy which encourages all states to enhance their own power at the expense of their neighbors.” 1 This passage, at the same time, points out the EVIL of remaining separate, and suggests a remedy.2
Publius [Hamilton]
*Plutarch was a Greek historian, biographer, and essayist
**The League of Cambray, including the Emperor, The King of France, The King of Aragon, and most of the Italian princes and states
***In North Carolina, sentiment was against the Constitution and residents in the wealthy northeastern part of the state, who generally supported the Constitution, threatened to secede if the rest of the state did not fall into line. In Pennsylvania, structure with state constitution resulted in a lack of checks and balances which lead to a weak and unstable state government. In Massachusetts Shays’ Rebellion had taken place when angry farmers became overwhelmed by taxes and debts, forcing many into foreclosure.
1Vide: Principes des Negociatians par l’Abbe’ de Mably.
2Gabriel Bonnet de Mably (1709-1785) was a French historian and writer on international law.