Contributor’s note: the following consists of copyrighted material that cannot be reproduced without the permission of the contributor.
In the spirit of getting more Americans to read these works, I am looking for a publisher — if you or someone you know might be interested in this enterprise, please email pthornhill@cox.net.
NUMBER III
THE SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED
It has long been known that the people of any country (if, like Americans, they are intelligent and well-informed) rarely thrive for many years when they are operating under a lack of understanding about their own interests. This realization has caused Americans to appreciate and respect the importance of remaining united under one federal government that is vested with sufficient powers for general and national duties.
The more I think about and research the reasons Americans realize this, the more sure I am the reasons are convincing and conclusive.
Wise and free people have many subjects that need their attention, but the concern that seems to be the greatest is the need for providing for their safety. But what does safety mean? It can be related to many different situations, and therefore it is a good idea to give flexibility to those who wish to define it precisely and completely.
At this point, I will talk about it as it relates to security (specifically, the preservation of peace and tranquility) as well as dangers from foreign hostilities or aggressiveness. There is also the wish to avoid similar dangers on the domestic front. Since I mention foreign issues first, then I will discuss that first. So, we will now examine whether the people are right to expect that a friendly Union that is operating under an efficient government can best protect the people from hostilities or aggressiveness directed at Americans from abroad.
The number of wars in the world, past or future, will always relate directly to the causes, real or perceived, which give rise to them. If this is true, then it makes sense to decide whether justifiable reasons for war might ensue more easily if we are one union or, on the other hand, if we do not unite. If it turns out that a united America would make it less possible for our engagement in war, then the conclusion is that the Union has a better chance of preserving peace.
Most justifiable reasons for going to war result from violations of treaties or from the commission of violence. America has already formed treaties with six nations, and all of them, except Prussia, are maritime treaties. These treaties therefore are a connection with these countries whereby they have the means to annoy or injure us. America also engages in a great deal of trade with Portugal, Spain, and Britain, and we are close enough with Spain and Britain to be be considerate of “sharing a neighborhood” with them.
It is very important for the preservation of peace that we understand and observe the international law regarding these nations, and I believe that is more easily accomplished by one national government than by thirteen different states or three or four separate confederacies. Next I will explain the various reasons as to why I believe this.
Once an efficient national government is established, the best men will not only consent to serve that government, but they will also be available to be appointed to manage it. While many men are placed in state, town or country assemblies, senates, courts of justice or executive departments, only those best qualified, through their talent and qualifications, will be asked to serve on these posts for the national government. Unlike the states, where the choice and selection of qualified men is limited, the national government will be able to choose the best men from among a much wider field of potential public servants. The result is that the administration, the political direction, and the judicial decisions will more wise, organized and enlightened than those found in individual States. They will therefore be more acceptable with respect to other nations, and they will be mores safe with respect to us.
One national government will be consistent in its policies towards international law and treaties with other nations. But with thirteen states, or three or four confederacies, this consistency will disappear, particularly when you consider that in each state or confederacy, there is going to be a variety of government officials with different local laws and interests that influence them. Therefore, the wisdom of the convention which states that it is better to submit issues of foreign policy to one national authority can’t be too strongly urged.
The personal political issues which might prevent the governing politicians in one or two of the States to act in good faith or justice regarding international issues won’t effect the other states and therefore won’t have any influence on the national government, and good faith and justice will be protected. Consider the case of our peace treaty with Britain and you’ll see that my reasoning is correct.
Even if those governing a state might be able to resist the temptation to act unfairly regarding other governments, the temptation might arise nevertheless amongst other residents of that state due to circumstances that relate only to that state. When that happens, the governing party might not be able to prevent the injustice or punish the guilty residents. But the national government will not be affected by the local issues and therefore will not be likely to commit that same wrong nor be prone to prevent or punishing the commission of the act by others.
Therefore, so far we see that, when purposeful or accidental violations of treaties and of international law can create just reasons for going to war, we also see that they are less likely to occur under one national government than they are with several smaller governments. Therefore, a national government is more capable of protecting the safety of the people.
It is also clear to me that one good national government can provide vastly more security against the dangers that result from direct and illegal violence. These acts themselves are the causes of a justifiable war, and the national government can better deal with these threats than the alternative option of several smaller governments.
This kind of violence more frequently occurs because of the passions and interests of a part of the Union, one or two of the states, than of the Union as a whole. Not a single war with the Indians has resulted from the aggressions of the federal government, even as weak as it is; yet there have been many instances of Indian hostilities being provoked by the improper conduct of individual States. These States have been unwilling or unable to restrain or punishes these types of offenses, which have resulted in the slaughter of many innocent inhabitants.
Likewise, conflicts along the British or Spanish territories, which border on some States but not on others, are quarrels confined immediately to those borders. The States to which these borders belong are more likely to act impulsively and respond with direct violence or engage in acts of war with these nations. The national government could effectively end the conflict because the national government’s wisdom and prudence will not be overshadowed by the same passions that drive the inhabitants of that border.
So, there will be fewer reasons for the national government to engage in even justifiable war. Plus, it will also be better situated to accommodate disputes and settle them quickly. The national government will be more measured and cool, and in this respect and others, will be in a better position to deal with the conflict with caution and wisdom. The States, and the men in those States, can naturally be proud, and that can lead them to justify all of their actions and it can prevent them from recognizing and correcting their errors and offenses. The national government will not be affected by this pride, and will proceed therefore with moderation and truthfulness to decide on the best means to remove the States from difficulties like these that might threaten them.
Besides, we all know that admissions, explanations, and compensations that would be rejected by a State or confederacy as unsatisfactory would be acceptable to a national government.
In the year 1685, the state of Genoa offended Louis XIV of France, and then they tried to make things right with him. He demanded that Genoa send their chief magistrate and four senators to France to ask the King’s pardon. The Genoans had to do this in order to keep peace. Now, would this King have demanded or caused such humiliation, to Britain, Spain or any other powerful nation? PUBLIUS [Jay]